A Fascist Century: Essays by Roger Griffin
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Ten essays on the nature of fascism by a leading scholar in the field, focusing on how to understand and apply fascist ideology to various movements since the twentieth century, Mussolini's prophesied 'fascist century'. Includes studies of fascism's attempted temporal revolution; Nazism as extended case-study; and fascism's postwar evolution.
emergence of a new hierarchy which would govern an alliance of those nations which had recovered the organic principle of the state. The destruction of fascism in 1945 naturally dispelled Evola’s optimism about any imminent end to the kali yuga. Nevertheless, he continued to work on the elaboration of his Traditionalist vision of a united Europe, the clearest formulation being in the essay ‘On the Spiritual and Structural Premises of European Unity’ (1951). His first major book to take stock of
the 1970s and 1980s, many ideologues of the New Right, notably Alain de Benoist in France and Marco Tarchi in Italy, adopted either the Conservative Revolutionary, Nietzschean, ‘nominalist’ concept of cyclic time advanced by Mohler, or instead Julius Evola’s mythic, metaphysical alternative to it.71 More recently, the international New Right (which now includes Russia) has become increasingly interested in ‘Indo-European’ concepts of the ‘sacred’, another symptom of the same palingenetic longings
such studies. But I have yet to see a single reference to his ‘Theses on the Philosophy of History’ concerning the French Revolution despite its considerable bearing on fascism. Part of Benjamin’s argument (written while persecuted by the Nazis) reads as follows: History is the subject of a structure whose site is not homogeneous, empty time, but time filled by the presence of the now (‘Jetztzeit’). Thus, to Robespierre ancient Rome was a past charged with the time of the now which he blasted out
of Western modernisation.3 Hooked Crosses and Forking Paths 85 Underlying such a premise is the understandable assumption that no generic term (even ‘totalitarianism’) can do justice to the devastating specificity of Third Reich, and that its use could trivialise and relativise the Holocaust. Thus the Israeli scholar Saul Friedl¨ander spoke for many when he rejected the concept on the grounds that ‘it leads to an excessive normalising of the Holocaust on the basis of a preconceived conceptual
Protestantism of the latter – or similarly, the valorisation of the peasantry in the Iron Guard’s understanding of the Romanian nation as opposed to the small shopkeepers heavily featured in the British Union of Fascists’ [BUF] propaganda; specific fascist movements are, as a rule, both generically identifiable and individually unique. Moreover, the Janus-face presented by a generic ideology and the particular manifestations of it remain applicable after the defeat of European fascist movements