Bloody Nasty People: The Rise of Britain's Far Right
Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub
The past decade saw the rise of the British National Party, the country’s most successful ever far-right political movement, and the emergence of the anti-Islamic English Defence League. Taking aim at asylum seekers, Muslims, “enforced multiculturalism” and benefit “scroungers”, these groups have been working overtime to shift the blame for the nation’s ills onto the shoulders of the vulnerable. What does this extremist resurgence say about the state of modern Britain?
Drawing on archival research and extensive interviews with key figures, such as BNP leader Nick Griffin, Daniel Trilling shows how previously marginal characters from a tiny neo-Nazi subculture successfully exploited tensions exacerbated by the fear of immigration, the War on Terror and steepening economic inequality.
Mainstream politicians have consistently underestimated the far right in Britain while pursuing policies that give it the space to grow. Bloody Nasty People calls time on this complacency in an account that provides us with fresh insights into the dynamics of political extremism.
invited to give an official submission. A letter from the party claimed the riots were ‘a direct consequence of the enforced multi-racial society, which nobody wanted nor asked for’, blaming ‘anti-white race attacks’ for triggering the violence and claimed that ‘for many years Burnley has suffered at the hands of an out of touch and inept council’ that ‘continually discriminated’ against ‘the majority of Burnley council tax payers’. These views appeared to be shared widely. A 2001 survey
Stoke, once home to Habib Khan and his family, is easy to spot. For a start, it’s twice as large as all the other houses on the street; a pair of semis knocked through. If that doesn’t get your attention, then the Grecian columns and amphora-shaped garden ornaments probably will. In 2001, Khan, a kebab shop owner and respected member of Stoke’s small Muslim community had mentioned to Keith Brown, a former colleague from a Stoke ceramics firm, that he was looking to buy a house. Brown offered to
distributing newsletters. Most importantly, it knocked on doors, just like the BNP had done by ‘stealth’, five years previously. While Labour’s contact rate – the proportion of houses in a constituency visited by canvassers – was a measly 7 per cent in 2006, by May 2010 it had reached 62 per cent.10 Across the constituency border, Dagenham’s MP Jon Cruddas had made similar efforts, and between them, the party had identified around 20,000 Labour voters who could potentially turn out on polling
nothing to say about English identity. Indeed, it’s the very ambiguity of ‘Englishness’ that allows the EDL to operate. While British identity is tied to the state, and there have been a number of official attempts, however successful, to promote an inclusive notion of Britishness, for many people ‘English’ remains an ethnic category. This was certainly so for the creator of Midsomer Murders, a popular rural detective TV series, when he said in March 2011 that the programme could not feature
Against Fascism in the garden of the Half Moon pub near Stepney Green in East London. It’s the early evening, and I’ve been tagging along on their counter-demonstration against the English Defence League. In an echo of Mosley’s Blackshirts, more than seventy years previously, the far right were trying to march through a cosmopolitan area of the East End, hoping to stir up conflict. This time, the EDL had targeted the East London mosque in Whitechapel and the UAF activists were jubilant at having