De-Bordering Korea: Tangible and Intangible Legacies of the Sunshine Policy
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As tensions remain on the Korean peninsula, this book looks back on the decade of improved inter-Korean relations and engagement between 1998 and 2008, now known as the ‘Sunshine Policy’ era. Moving beyond traditional economic and political perspectives, it explores how this decade of intensified cooperation both affected and reshaped existing physical, social and mental boundaries between the two Koreas, and how this ‘de-bordering’ and ‘re-bordering’ has changed the respective attitudes towards the other.
Based around three key themes, ‘Space’, ‘People’, and ‘Representations’, this book looks at the tangible and intangible areas of contact created by North-South engagement during the years of the Sunshine Policy. ‘Space’ focuses on the border regions and discusses how the border reflects the dynamics of multiple types of exchanges and connections between the two Koreas, as well as the new territorial structures these have created. ‘People’ addresses issues in human interactions and social organizations, looking at North Korean defectors in the South, shifting patterns of North-South competition in the ‘Korean’ diaspora of post-Soviet Central Asia, and the actual and physical presence of the Other in various social settings. Finally, ‘Representations’ analyses the image of the other Korea as it is produced, circulated, altered/falsified and received (or not) on either side of the Korean border.
The contributors to this volume draw on a broad spectrum of disciplines ranging from geography, anthropology and archaeology, to media studies, history and sociology, in order to show how the division between North and South Korea functions as an essential matrix for geographical, social and psychological structures on both sides of the border. As such, this book will appeal to students and scholars from numerous fields of study, including Korean studies, Korean culture and society, and international relations more broadly.
Paengnyŏng Island, the northernmost island of Kyŏnggi Bay (Kyŏnggi man), P’aju City, a fast growing border city in Kyŏnggi province, and Ch’ŏrwŏn county (kun) in Kangwŏn. Secondary case studies were conducted for Yŏnch’ŏn county, a rural settlement located next to P’aju City and Ch’unch’ŏn City, which is more distant from the border but still influenced by it. Twenty-one in-depth interviews were collected in the course of the research with border development agents and county and city
generating what have been called “ethnic enterprises” (Light 1972) and even an “ethnic economy” (Light and Gold 2000). North Korean migrants have also turned to professional activities relating to their origin – giving lectures on North Korean society, running North Korean restaurants or importing North Korean products to South Korea via their networks in China, for example. Yoon In-Jin (2001) claims that defectors seek self-employment in North Korean restaurant and health-oriented food
of his colleague. He categorically rejected the assimilationist theory advanced by certain South Koreans because it was based on a voluntary or involuntary denial of one of the constitutive elements of any collective identity, namely the social and cultural history of the community concerned.24 These new discourses increasingly won support among other categories of the Kazakhstani Korean élite, for whom they represented a welcome correction to the cultural and linguistic representations imposed
the crucial juncture in implementing the historic June 15 joint declaration [ … ]. Feeling regretful for the unforeseen armed clash that occurred in the West Sea recently, we are of the view that both sides should make joint efforts to prevent the recurrence of similar incidents in the future. (KCNA July 25, 2002) During the 2002 naval incident a certain rapprochement between the themes treated by the North and the South is apparent. In the discourse of the Yonhap agency, the place occupied by
of enduring ideological and institutional impediments to more proactive engagement. Most high-profile events were the result, not so much of protracted negotiations and contacts between performing troupes, but rather of a political desire to highlight breakthroughs in inter-Korean relations (Yi Kyodŏk et al. 2007: 76). In contrast to humanitarian and economic relations, cultural contacts are more likely to suffer from deterioration in inter-Korean relations. Despite the lip service paid to the