Deleuze and the Contemporary World (Deleuze Connections EUP)
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This volume joins the pragmatic philosophy of Deleuze to current affairs. The twelve new essays in this volume use a contemporary context to think through and with Deleuze. Engaging the here and now, the contributors use the Deleuzian theoretical apparatus to think about issues such as military activity in the Middle East, refugees, terrorism, information and communication, and the State. The book is aimed both at specialists of Deleuze and those who are unfamiliar with his work but who are interested in current affairs. Incorporating political theory and philosophy, culture studies, sociology, international studies, and Middle Eastern studies, the book is designed to appeal to a wide audience.
image’ of Deleuze; an image formed of a certain Marxism, a particular reading of Deleuze’s ontology, and an aspect (albeit a key one) of Deleuze’s own work – a Deleuze ‘guattarized’ in his work with Guattari (Zizek 2004: 20). It is evident that for Zizek a prominent manifestation of this popular image of an anti-globalist Deleuze is Hardt and Negri’s Empire, where there is a clear meeting of Deleuzian figures of becoming, multiplicity, control and so on, with Marxian formulations of labour,
the party in radical workers’ culture, to make a clean break. One of the ways out of this cramped condition was to return to Marx, and break from orthodoxy under cover of Marxian terminology. As well as producing important work on Marx – particularly on the nature of technology, the critique of objectivist categories in Marxism, the social factory, and the subjectivity of the proletariat – this process developed quite clearly in terms of a deterritorialisation of the major language of orthodoxy
and their political and economic management’ (Amin 2000: 84). But the project is, for the lessdeveloped countries at any rate, a project that involves the mobilisation of a new and different kind of popular national movement. Here an important distinction between the state apparatus and the nation is to be made, and Samir Amin has plausibly argued that the appropriation of the state apparatus is usually the object of a country’s national bourgeoisie (who will reconcile themselves to
alternative ways of thinking about ourselves and the environment. Collectively, we can empower some of these alternative becomings. This being is a collective and affective process. European post-nationalist identity is such a project: political at heart, it has a strong ethical pull made up of conviction, vision and desire. As a project it requires active participation and a striving toward what we are capable of becoming more than defining who we are. This liberatory potential is directly
expression, contends Thoburn, depending on whether communication is couched in terms of information-transfer or collective enunciation. The first plays straight into the hands of populist forms of mass communication. The second is more attuned to productivity than a specific political message. Thoburn is critical of the political subject and the whole notion of an independent social body; the latter, he says, is a position Hardt and Negri’s concept of the multitude supports. Kenneth Surin’s