Living Thought: The Origins and Actuality of Italian Philosophy (Cultural Memory in the Present)
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For this very reason, says Esposito, because Italian thinkers have always been deeply engaged with the concrete reality of life (rather than closed up in the introspective pursuits of traditional continental philosophy) and because they have looked for the answers of today in the origins of their own historical roots, Italian theory is a "living thought." Hence the relevance or actuality that it holds for us today.
Continuing in this tradition, the work of Roberto Esposito is distinguished by its interdisciplinary breadth. In this book, he passes effortlessly from literary criticism to art history, through political history and philosophy, in an expository style that welcomes non-philosophers to engage in the most pressing problems of our times. As in all his works, Esposito is inclusive rather than exclusive; in being so, he celebrates the affirmative potency of life.
interpretations it has acquired elsewhere precisely because of this capacity for mobilization—passing through the crucial intuitions of Nietzsche and Foucault, of course—that roots it in the very depths of the Italian tradition. 2. If the relationship between immanence and conflict is the most innovative and, at the same time, the most problematic trait of Italian political thought, its reflection on history, begun at a later stage, is marked by the intrinsic but equally antinomic relationship
in Bruno see Aniello Montano, La mente e la mano: Aspetti e storicità del sapere e del primato del fare in Giordano Bruno (Naples: La Città del Sole, 2000); Fulvio Papi, Antropologia e civiltà nel pensiero del nolano (Naples, 2006); Nuccio Ordine, Contro il Vangelo armato: Giordano Bruno, Ronsard e la religione (Milan: Cortina, 2007). The Power of the Origin can make the anthropic leap that enables them to perform actions that other living beings are incapable of carrying out. The diversity
safety. Kant, transferring the discussion from the utilitarian plane of the conservatio vitae to the ethical plane of conformity to the categorical imperative, identified in the law of retaliation—and therefore also in the death penalty—the only moral criterion for the implementation of justice. In both cases, then, whether the sphere of politics or that of law is involved, human life is not considered to be the primary good after which all the others should be placed. On the contrary, the
anyone wanting to follow his example. Because, unlike what is always proclaimed, the principle that governs royal torture, of which the death penalty is but the latest inheritor, is not that of just retribution but that of the exhibited disproportion between crime and punishment. Only this—the surplus of meaning that is publicly discharged on the body of the offender—can restore, to an infinitely greater degree than the offense received, the sovereignty whose sanctity has been wounded by the
of the conceptual background that Gramsci shared with Gentile began in a form that separated both of them from Croce. Unlike Croce, rallying in defense of the great liberal tradition against the dual threat posed by fascism and communism, and with drastically different strategic objectives, Gentile and Gramsci converged in their acute perception that the political and philosophical categories of modernity were exhausted, and in seeking to surpass these through a political “activation” of