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Offers a sophisticated analysis of central political concepts in the light of recent debates in political theory. Introduces students to some of the main interpretations of key political conceps highlighting their strengths and weaknesses. Tackles the principle concepts employed to justify any policy or institution and examines the main domestic purposes and functions of the state. Examines the relationship between state and civil society and finally looks beyond the state to issues of global concern and inter-state relations.
Studies the relationship between state and civil society and finally looks beyond the state to issues of global concern and inter-state relations.
societies, the approach still has a certain conceptual and descriptive validity. 4(b) Power theories of gender7 As a theory of women’s oppression, feminism is by definition concerned with power. The framework sketched above was already, if not always explicitly, imbued with a further dimension, that of power-relations. This included both structural power in terms of institutions and micro-power in terms of interpersonal relations. In this theoretical framework gender works not merely to reveal
have identified an important interest, and established a person’s right to have that interest satisfied, we can trace the waves of duty to their various holders and set up political and legal institutions and procedures to ensure that these duties are performed.11 Similarly, the Kantian approach makes the duties associated with rights sensitive to the context in which both rights and duties appear. Discharging a duty of justice which is politically manifested in the right of hungry people to food
Postmodernism (1997). Emilio Santoro is Professor of Philosophy and Sociology of Law at the University of Florence. His publications include: Carcere e società liberale (1997), Autonomia individuale, Libertà e diritti (1999; English translation forthcoming by Kluwer), Common Law e Costituzione nell’Inghilterra moderna (1999). He is currently working on the links among market, discipline and liberal order. Jonathan Seglow is Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. He has
will be no consistency or coherence to policy, so that people will not know where they stand. An act that appeared unexceptional before could suddenly and for no apparent reason attract a severe penalty simply because the ruler has taken a dislike to it or become unusually attentive. Second, people will feel dominated by their rulers. They will be permanently in awe of their power, attempting to second guess their next move either to escape their wrath or win their favour. Finally, arbitrariness
brought about the kind of sacrifices, up to and including the laying down of life, no Hobbesian self could possibly envisage. Though this phenomenon can appear to rest 102 Legitimacy upon identity-beliefs (the loyal subject feels his country’s triumphs as his own), it can also be construed in a more individualistic spirit. Rulers who come from the same national background find it easier to create within their subjects the impression that they share a common good, in part because they are