Revolutionary France: 1788-1880 (Short Oxford History of France)
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In this volume, one of the first to look at 'Revolutionary France' as a whole, a team of leading international historians explore the major issues of politics and society, culture, economics, and overseas expansion during this vital period of French history.
in . The reformers planned a banquet in central Paris and, for the ﬁrst time in this campaign they announced that a march of workers and students would precede it. Alarmed by the potentially explosive fusion of economic and political grievances, the government banned the banquet. The organizers, including the radical deputy Ledru-Rollin, editor of La Réforme, cancelled the banquet, but the march went ahead. It was the government’s failure to control the march that led to the change of regime.
with courage and hope in his ultimate salvation. By militant supporters of the Revolution were convinced that they were confronted with a powerful and conspiratorial opposition of devout Catholics manipulated by a fanatical clergy. Faced with this, and with the additional threat of foreign invasion, an all-out assault was mounted against Christianity, a campaign that was most intense in the winter of and the spring of , a period coinciding with the Reign of Terror. The attack on
Catholicism. The Catholic Church in the nineteenth century Church–state relations were governed by the Concordat from until . Like the Conseil d’État and the legal codes, this Napoleonic tool provided institutional stability for a nation that experienced three political revolutions and dramatic social change over the course of the nineteenth century. The Concordat provided for administra- state and religion | 73 tive continuity in the oﬃcial management of religious aﬀairs, but it
The latter argued that economic independence (an essential ingredient for citizenship among men) caused disorder and decay in women. Women’s wages remained half those of men, and hardly provided for subsistence, let alone independence. But few observers found any injustice in such wage diﬀerentials, for political economists reasoned, circuitously, that only men’s wages assured the reproduction of the labour force, and neither women’s productive nor reproductive labour had, in their view, any
bureaucracy, and exposed to the language of France, patrie, and nation. Social élites among linguistic minorities now accepted the necessity, even the virtue, of facility in French. However, this new ‘double identity’ was limited to an acceptance of national institutions and a French political discourse: there is little evidence that popular cultures and minority languages were thereby eroded. French remained the daily language of a minority and rural France a land of great cultural and