The American Political Tradition: And the Men Who Made it
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A revised edition of the clasic study of American politics from the Founding Fathers to FDR.
the 1912 presidential campaign Wilson propounded his new faith: … The machinery of political control must be put in the hands of the people … for the purpose of recovering what seems to have been lost—their right to exercise a free and constant choice in the management of their own affairs.… The service rendered the people by the national government must be of a more extended sort and of a kind not only to protect it against monopoly, but also to facilitate its life.… We do not mean to strike
began to roll in, the people would ask: “Why did Wilson move so fast in this matter?… Why could he not have waited a little longer?” As the only great nation free to represent peace and sanity, the United States must hold off until the last possible moment. “When we move against Germany we must be certain that the whole country not only moves with us but is willing to go forward to the end with enthusiasm.” 16 “Why deceive ourselves,” asked Peace Commissioner General Tasker Bliss. “We are making
always precise. The Carolina background is treated illuminatingly in William A. Schaper: Sectionalism and Representation in South Carolina (Washington, 1901); C. S. Boucher: “Sectionalism, Representation, and the Electoral Question in Ante-Bellum South Carolina,” Washington University Studies, Vol. IV (1916), which shows Calhoun as a powerful opponent of any attempt to agitate local questions and thus weaken the state in its relation to the federal government; Boucher’s “The Secession and
symbolized was waged on a much wider front. In the states this struggle bore fruit in a series of general incorporation acts, beginning with Connecticut’s in 1837 and spreading to the other states in the two decades before the Civil War. By opening the process of incorporation to all comers who could meet state requirements, legislators progressively sundered the concept of the corporate form of business from its association with monopoly privilege and for many decades made it an element in the
(here Phillips grew particularly shocking) for the Nihilists of Russia, whom it was then condemning so strongly. Seizing upon the Nihilists as an extreme symbol of resistance and rebellion, Phillips launched into an impassioned defense of them and lashed out at “that nauseous hypocrisy which, stung by a threepenny tea tax, piles Bunker Hill with granites and statues, prating all the time of patriotism and broadswords, while, like another Pecksniff, it recommends a century of dumb submission and