The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know®
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Employing an engaging question-and-answer format, The Arab Uprisings explores the revolutionary protests that have rocked the Arab world since late 2010. In this updated and revised second edition, James L. Gelvin explores the varied paths taken by the uprisings and assesses their historical and global significance. Gelvin begins with an overview-What were the conditions in the Arab world that led to the uprisings? Where did the demands for human and democratic rights and social and economic justice come from?-before turning to specific countries in the region. He examines how the long history of state-building in Tunisia and Egypt ultimately determined the paths taken by uprisings there. He explains why the weakness of state institutions in Libya and Yemen led to violence and chaos. He explores the commonalities of the "coup-proofed" states Bahrain and Syria and the tragic course of their uprisings. In the final chapter, he discusses the implications of the uprisings. What do they mean for the United States, al-Qaeda, and the balance of power in the region? What do they say about the viability of the Arab state system? What effects have they had on the Israel-Palestine conflict? What conclusions might we draw from the uprisings so far? When will we know their historical meaning?
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continued to show their dissatisfaction with those who governed them. They voted out ruling parties in the United Kingdom, Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain, Iceland, Slovakia, Canada, The Netherlands, France, and Italy, among other countries. In the United States, elections first threw out a Republican president, then a Democratic congress. And throughout Europe protesters and rioters took to the streets to prevent governments from cutting workers’ pay and unemployment benefits, increasing the
as well. For example, Kefaya defined itself as a loose movement rather than a tight party to ensure inclusiveness, used social media to organize demonstrations, mobilized in working-class neighborhoods to broaden the movement’s base, and asserted popular control over public spaces by organizing “flash mobs” to take them over for demonstrations. That Kefaya’s demands and tactics matched those used during the uprising is not surprising: Although Kefaya had faded years before the uprising, one of
coalition to diplomatic representation in more than one hundred countries and symbolically snatches the diplomatic high ground from the Assad government (which Secretary of State Hillary Clinton proclaimed had “lost legitimacy” in July 2011). Otherwise, recognition has had little impact on the conflict. There has been no change of representation at the United Nations, for example, nor has calling the Assad regime illegitimate prevented the United States from endorsing talks with it about removing
market value for finished goods and services produced within a state or territory.) Between 1980 and 2010, per capita GDP grew at a rate of 0.5 percent annually, well below that of the 3 percent growth that marked the rest of the developing world. To absorb the unemployed and new entrants to the job market, the annual GDP would have to grow at a rate of 7.5 percent. • With the exception of oil and gas, exports have remained flat in recent decades. The remainder of the developing 12 The Arab
ground to the disruptive presence of the Islamic State’s caliphate in a region as important as the heartland of the eastern Arab world. How did the spread of the uprisings to Palestine affect the Israeli–Palestinian conflict? The “Kerry round” of face-to-face negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians collapsed in April 2014 and therefore changed little in terms of the dynamics of the conflict. However, the overlooked uprising in the Palestinian territories may open up a new chapter in the