The Intellectual and His People: Staging the People Volume 2
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Following the previous volume of essays by Jacques Rancière from the 1970s, Staging the People: The Proletarian and His Double, this second collection focuses on the ways in which radical philosophers understand the people they profess to speak for. The Intellectual and His People engages in an incisive and original way with current political and cultural issues, including the “discovery” of totalitarianism by the “new philosophers,” the relationship of Sartre and Foucault to popular struggles, nostalgia for the ebbing world of the factory, the slippage of the artistic avant-garde into defending corporate privilege, and the ambiguous sociological critique of Pierre Bourdieu. As ever, Rancière challenges all patterns of thought in which one-time radicalism has become empty convention.
popular theatre with neither communion nor identification belonged rather to critical thought than to the actual stage. Taste and temperament: Athens and Épinal Let us start at the beginning. In other words, with the simple proposal to moralize the people through the spread of art. The constraints of the petitioning style in difficult times may embroider this with soothing images of decreed public festivals or homes regenerated by the sound of the harmonium and reproductions of Raphael. It is
and large a definite corporate position: that of the technicians of the Fédération du Spectacle, intractable defenders of quality production (their priority being a highly skilled and appropriately paid personnel), and merciless critics of everything that spoils their craft and their product – the amateurism and dilettantism of those pioneers of decentralized theatre who set out on their adventure without having demanded sufficient resources, the volunteer status of activist theatre, and –
images? An example of this is his Ici et ailleurs , with images of a film that has become impossible on the victory of the Palestinian people; a film that stops with images that can no longer be organized, before they go off elsewhere. The essential thing being not to maintain the legacy of images, to prevent the gauchiste image from being used to decorate the story of the established left, but rather to destroy the tyranny that is exercised over the image, the tyranny of the story whether
that it ascribes to the proletariat, why then separate Solzhenitsyn’s image of the plebs from his political position? Why take his ‘plebeian’ discourse at face value? Why ascribe him a different politics than his own? There is no question, Glucksmann says, of letting ourselves be hemmed in again by the dilemma of the Cold War: ‘We are told it is contradictory to demonstrate both against the American Poulo-Condor camps in Vietnam and those of Kolyma in the USSR. This is the standpoint of the
p. 122. 35 Louis Lumet, ‘Le Théâtre civique’, Revue d’art dramatique, October 1898. 36 Ibid., p. 119. 37 Maurice Pottecher, Le Théâtre du peuple, p. 95. 38 Ibid., pp. 14–15. 39 Ibid., p. x. 40 Ibid., p. 31. 41 Ibid., pp. 6–7. 42 Ibid., p. 96. 43 Ibid., p. 103. 44 Ibid., p. 101. 45 Ibid., p. 31. 46 M. Pottecher, preface to Morteville, Paris 1897. 47 Adrien Souberbielle, ‘Le Voeu de Michelet’, Revue d’art dramatique, March 1899, p. 444. 48 Charles Le Goffic, ‘Le Théâtre breton’, Revue