The New Black: What Has Changed--and What Has Not--with Race in America
Kenneth W. Mack
Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub
Through provocative and insightful essays, The New Black challenges contemporary images of black families, offers a contentious critique of the relevance of presidential politics, transforms ideas about real and perceived political power, defies commonly accepted notions of "blackness," and generally attempts to sketch the new boundaries of debates over race in America.
Bringing a wealth of novel ideas and fresh perspectives to the public discourse, The New Black represents a major effort to address both persistent inequalities and the changing landscape of race in the new century.
With contributions by:
Jonathan Scott Holloway
Glenn C. Loury
Cristina M. Rodríguez
relations and racial inequality must acknowledge the continued exclusion of most blacks from a range of private spheres, including housing, schools, communities, and the more-desired workplaces of Euro-American life.1 First and foremost, there are the persisting inequalities that beset black life: the black poor remain at the bottom of the nation’s class system with a poverty rate almost as high as it was three decades earlier. Indeed, the rate began to climb again during the years of George W.
the turnout rate for the 1964 presidential election or a registration rate in 1964 was below 50 percent. Subsequent Congresses extended the coverage to include data from the 1968 and 1972 elections. The second and perhaps most controversial aspect of the Voting Rights Act, codified under section 5 of the act, is known as the preclearance provision. The controversy stems from the fact that this provision radically shifted basic legal burdens and presumptions. Under prior law, state and local laws
hopelessness and alienation is as strange to them as the American exceptionalist narrative that seemingly declares the entire nation was linked arm in arm with Martin Luther King Jr. when he marched for freedom (and jobs). I am talking here about the privileged classes of African America that for one reason or another actually did enjoy material resources unknown to most of the country, that did enjoy access to those things that embodied the American dream trumpeted in the news, in the
racial prejudice. But as Lee reminds readers of this volume, the situation is far more complicated than that. “People of color” often have a looser affiliation to a particular party—or a particular set of issues—than is often realized, he contends, particularly among “panethnic groups like Latinos and Asian Americans.” The future of American politics may lie in the hands of the party or the candidates who are most successful in creating flexible organizing strategies that cast aside many
women was a given, so much a given as to be unworthy of extended comment. This is something else that separates him from previous generations of black male leadership and also undergirds the liberation of mind that would characterize a free black man. “It’s our turn,” white feminists intoned during the primaries, implicitly, explicitly, and with increasing bitterness, as though no allegiance can ever be made across race or gender, as though “I” is the most important unit of thought, as though tit