The Revolution Will Not Be Funded: Beyond the Non-Profit Industrial Complex
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The Revolution Will Not Be Funded gathers original essays by radical activists from around the globe who are critically rethinking the long-term consequences of this investment. Together with educators and nonprofit staff they finally name the “nonprofit industrial complex” and ask hard questions: How did politics shape the birth of the nonprofit model? How does 501(c)(3) status allow the state to co-opt politi-cal movements? Activists or -careerists? How do we fund the movement outside this complex? Urgent and visionary, The Revolution Will Not Be Funded is an unbeholden exposé of the “nonprofit industrial complex” and its quietly devastating role in managing dissent.
origins of their movement with the emergence of the Donee Group. 1 In 1974, the Donee Group, which described itself as a coalition "composed of voluntary action, environmental action, public interest law, housing, women's rights, community organizing, service to the handicapped, children's rights, social service, consumer rights and citizen participation activities" convened to provide ad hoc consultation to the Commission on Private Philanthropy and Public Needs, also known as the Filer
struggle to eliminate these funding institutions and the need for them. The progressive philanthropy movement has offered some more reformist proposals such as the "spend down" theory, which proposes that foundations gradually spend themselves out of existence. For instance, the Aaron Diamond Foundation spent itself out of existence in 12 years in order to have a greater impact on the HIV/AIDS pandemicY Though few and far between, foundations like the Julius Rosenwald Fund, the Stern Foundation,
manipulative funding shift would actually win them more enemies than friends. Further, because CARA was a community-organizing program, we had, by this time, successfully built a significant base of supporters, who deluged the mayor and city council with hundreds of letters, phone calls, and e-mails, pressuring the council members to come up with a different plan that did not include reducing our funding so drastically. Ultimately, CARA was saved. We call this tactic "having each other's backs."
not about ensuring that our presentation to the city and to our constituents is the same, but to ensure that this process of strategic disguise does not undermine our actual projects and our accountability to the survivors and communities with whom we work. It isn't easy, and we're not sure it's worth it. The dissonance of maintaining a real identity and a disguised one creates significant amounts of stress and consumes considerable amounts of precious time and resources that should be spent
herself as a survivor of rape and abuse, she could provoke a warning flag for employers, for if she was one of them-the damaged ones-how could she possibly effectively advocate on their behalf? Ultimately, this attitude rooted in professionalization, oppression, and internalized oppression undermined opportunities for rich community building in the antiviolence movement. By the 1990s, Seattle Rape Relief volunteers, most of whom fielded calls on the crisis line, barely knew each other, meeting