The Super-State: The New Europe and Its Challenge to America
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Even before Donald Rumsfeld's infamous "Old Europe" gibe, Europe's divergence from America on issues like war with Iraq and trade competition has become increasingly ill-tempered. With the Euro successfully launched and a European army a real prospect, Europe is now a recognizable political entity on the world scene. A population of over 300 million and the world's largest economy have already turned the EU into a super-power, but it is now on the verge of being a super-state.
Haseler examines why the new European super-state has emerged, how it will inevitably rival the United States and how America is reacting to this new world player. Super-State explores what this new EU super-state means for the citizens of Europe and their attitudes to America, looking specifically at how a eurosceptic Britain will fit into this new structure.
mass destruction; and if it was malign or a ‘rogue’. The term ‘rogue’, though, was never seriously deﬁned. Richard Haas, a moderate conservative and Director of Policy Planning at the State Department in the George W. Bush administration, has a�empted to deﬁne what may be developing as a working doctrine for pursuing such ‘regime change’ – he suggests that a regime can rightfully be overthrown by the USA if it ‘massacres its own people’ or ‘supports terrorism in any way’.9 For Paul Wolfowitz, a
constitution could well evolve, either through competition, or by future design, into one elected presidency, which would resemble that of the ‘President of the United States of America’. And, by the second quarter of the century, such a ‘President of the European Union’ may well ﬁnd himself or herself as the political head of a new superpower on the world stage, speaking on equal terms to the US President and the Chinese Chairman. By early 2004, France and Germany, by threatening to go it alone,
Europe (particularly Germany) that already exists and, a�er full accession and full euro membership, will become even denser. The underlying pro-US sentiment found throughout Eastern Europe and the Baltics can also reasonably be expected to wane in the coming decades. This emotional a�achment is, a�er all, the product of an era now passed – the cold war, and the belief amongst many Eastern Europeans that the USA was their liberator and the provider of their freedom from Russian hegemony. This
European unity and nationhood. (Perversely, it may well be the much-derided Americanization of European culture – the so called ‘Coca-Cola eﬀect’ – which integrationists can thank for this vast increase in the common language of spoken and wri�en English throughout the continent.) Europe’s languages are a rich aspect of diversity, but they also present Europe with a huge democratic problem. For, whilst Europe’s educated elites will be increasingly uniﬁed by their use of a single second language,
London had become the largest city in the world. And by the late nineteenth century, Europeans were the ﬁrst people to create a society of mass aﬄuence (even amidst considerable urban and rural poverty). Age-old class structures of agricultural and peasant life were replaced; and a sizeable middle class of big and small urban capitalists, shopkeepers and professionals (workers like doctors, teachers and managers) became a dynamic force, and a skilled urban proletariat began to join these middle