War, Peace and Hegemony in a Globalized World: The Changing Balance of Power in the Twenty-First Century (Routledge Advances in International Relations and Global Politics)
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This book focuses on how the US could adapt its foreign policy initiatives to fit in with the growing aspirations of a multipolar world for a more balanced international order.
Written by leading scholars, such as Joseph Nye, Eric Hobsbawm and Akira Iriye, the volume examines if the absence of a superpower status would lead to anarchy, or if an alternative is possible. In view of the globalization process and the changing perceptions of US hegemony in the various regions of the world, it addresses the possibility of re-examining and redefining the nineteenth century classical balance of power.
Divided into two sections, it analyzes:
- global perspectives on war, peace and hegemony, and the role of the United States
- each region of the world in the context of the unfolding processes of globalization; the various ways in which economic and socio-political organizations are impacting inter- and intra-regionally; and the role of the United States vis-à-vis the individual countries and regions.
hand, Japan wanted to use the EAS to discuss the EAc to reduce Chinese influence.13 Witnessing the inclusion of India, Australia and New Zealand, China was reported to have shifted its policy towards further expansion of the EAS on East Asia. Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabo is reported to have mentioned in December 2005 that the EAS should strengthen its partnership with the US, the EU and others.14 The Kuala Lumpur Declaration of the ASEAN+3 Summit on 12 December 2005 stated that ‘the ASEAN
the world into the uncertainty and danger of hegemonic transition, and war seems unlikely. At the same time, this more complex distribution of power and the rise of non-state actors in the twenty-first century mean that there are more and more things outside the control of even the most The future of American power 47 powerful state. Although the United States does well on the traditional measures of power, there is increasingly more going on in the world that those measures fail to capture.
Germany might acquire nuclear weapons or a ‘finger on the trigger’ of US weapons stationed in Europe. And there was mounting pressure to allow the commercialization of nuclear power to happen in reasonably open markets. The late 1950s and 1960s therefore brought a pronounced return of cooperative efforts to establish an international nuclear order founded on commonly held norms and rules of behaviour. In drawing states into this order, its purveyors face two exceptional problems of reconciliation
failed, or failing, states is steadily rising. Over a vast swathe of the world that houses one-quarter of the world’s inhabitants, country after country is facing the threat of exclusion from the global economic system. This is creating political forces within them that are steadily reinforcing that exclusion. Predatory elites that base their power upon clientelist relationships have perpetuated misery, violence and civil war. In between these extremes fall a large number of countries whose
and some related to the ‘new’ agenda. Andrew Hurrel suggested that, in the case of Latin America, there were three issues, generated in the South, that attract the attention of the big powers: migration, ecology and drug trafficking.10 Steven R. David has emphasized the threat that some Third World countries could develop nuclear or chemical and biological weapons. He has also mentioned the importance, for Middle East countries, of possessing oil.11 Stanley Hoffman agrees with both diagnoses and